

This week, the Observer published a comprehensive report on the increasing delay in marriages among Omanis. In my view, this delay results from a complex phenomenon driven by substantial social, economic, and cultural transformations within the country. This trend reflects broader changes occurring across the Arab world, shifting away from traditional patterns of early and universal marriage towards later unions.
Omanis are postponing marriage due to a range of factors, including higher levels of education and workforce participation, rising costs associated with marriage, and evolving societal norms surrounding individual choice and autonomy. Collectively, these elements contribute to a higher median age at marriage for both men and women in Oman.
According to young women I spoke to, a key driver of delayed marriage is the significant increase in education and their subsequent involvement in paid employment. Historically, women’s primary roles centred around childbearing and raising children, but this has changed markedly with their greater participation in higher education and the workforce.
The longer women spend in education, the less likely they are to marry early. Education provides women with increased knowledge, opportunities for employment, and economic independence, which often leads to later marriage.
For young men, the prohibitive costs associated with marriage are a significant factor in delaying nuptials. These costs include dowries, wedding expenses, and household establishment costs. While the dowry is a religious requirement in Islam, cultural norms within Gulf societies have inflated these costs considerably. Additionally, the social stigma attached to being unmarried is diminishing, and the ideal of marriage itself is gradually losing its hold.
Oman, like other Arab nations, is undergoing notable social, economic, and cultural change. The transition from traditional, collective decision-making in marriage to more individualistic choices plays a role in postponing nuptiality.
In the past, marriages were often arranged by family elders, with a strong preference for consanguineous unions to maintain tribal ties and preserve wealth within the family. However, with increased educational opportunities, higher incomes, and greater exposure to global influences, there has been a decline in social control over marriage and a shift towards prioritising personal autonomy in partner selection.
Young Omanis now have different ambitions and aspirations regarding marriage compared to previous generations; they tend to prefer marrying outside their immediate family circle. This desire for personal choice, coupled with the search for compatible partners based on education, personality, and shared values, can extend courtship periods and delay marriage.
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