Kosovo’s recent parliamentary elections have injected fresh uncertainty into the country’s political landscape, presenting a serious test for Prime Minister Albin Kurti and his party, Vetëvendosje (Self-Determination).
Though Vetëvendosje is still the most significant political force in the country, it did not win an outright majority, therefore the government was compelled to go into a tricky coalition-building process. The outcome of the elections showed one big change in the political dynamics of Kosovo. Vetëvendosje saw a drop of roughly 41 per cent in its votes from the overwhelming win it had in 2021.
This signals growing public discontent, driven by economic stagnation, unresolved tensions with the ethnic Serb minority, and increasingly strained relations with Western allies. Gaining ground, the opposition - made up of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) and the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) - won 17.8 per cent and 21.8 per cent of the vote respectively. Their tangible performance indicates the electorate's quest for different leadership amid the rising issues in Kosovo.
One of the most striking features of this election was the historically low voter turnout, barely exceeding 40 per cent. This decline suggests mounting political apathy and disillusionment, particularly among younger voters who once energised Kurti’s reformist agenda. Their disengagement complicates governance, reflecting a deeper erosion of trust in Kosovo’s political institutions.
With no party commanding a parliamentary majority, coalition negotiations are now in full swing. For Kurti, this presents an especially difficult challenge. Vetëvendosje has historically positioned itself as a staunch opponent of Kosovo’s entrenched political elites, whom it has accused of corruption and mismanagement. This stance has made coalition-building with traditional parties a fraught endeavour.
One potential path forward is an alliance with LDK, a centre-right party with deep roots in Kosovo’s post-independence politics. While ideological and policy differences remain stark — particularly on economic and security matters — both parties share a mutual interest in advancing Kosovo’s European integration. However, years of political animosity make this a fragile option at best.
Another possibility is reaching an agreement with PDK, a party with strong ties to Kosovo’s wartime leadership and a history of clashing with Vetëvendosje on governance priorities, particularly Kosovo’s stance towards Serbia and the West. While such a coalition might bring short-term stability, it risks alienating Kurti’s base, which views PDK as emblematic of the very political establishment Vetëvendosje seeks to dismantle.
One of the most striking features of this election was the historically low voter turnout, barely exceeding 40 per cent. This fall shows increasing political apathy and disenchantment among Kosovo’s people, especially the young generation, which had formerly been a strong foundation for Kurti's reformist vision. Kosovo's political leaders are currently in heated negotiation to create a coalition since no party has a ruling majority.
'Given his party's historically aggressive attitude towards the conventional political elite and opposition groups, this presents Kurti a particularly tough obstacle. Vetëvendosje has in the past opposed coalition-building with parties considered to be representatives of Kosovo's former political system. This stance has made coalition-building with traditional parties a fraught endeavour.
One avenue might be a partnership with LDK, a centre-right party which has been quite influential in the political history of Kosovo. Though LDK historically has disagreed with the policies of Vetëvendosje, especially on economic and national security issues, there is room for cooperation. A coalition such as this could be formed on common views on major governance matters, including European Union integration initiatives and economic recovery strategies. But deep ideological divisions and past animosities between the two parties make this a difficult possibility.
Another alternative is turning to PDK, a party controlling much of Kosovo's political scene following independence. Founded by ex officials of the Kosovo Liberation Army, PDK has sometimes battled Vetëvendosje on governmental priorities, especially regarding Kosovo's relations with Serbia and the West. A coalition with PDK would call for substantial concessions on either side even if it could bring about stability. Supporters of Kurti could see this collaboration as a betrayal of Vetëvendosje's fundamental values, therefore undermining the credibility among their constituency.
Kurti could look towards smaller political groups and ethnic minority representatives to guarantee a ruling majority given the challenges in lining up with the main opposition parties. Kosovo's constitution ensures parliamentary representation for the Serb minority as well as Bosniaks, Turks and Gorani. Though this scheme will have its own difficulties.
Vetëvendosje is said to have marginalised Serb political involvement, and reversing this perception would call for much diplomatic work. Should coalition talks fall apart, Kurti could try to run a minority government with occasional outside assistance from opposition parties.
Though this alternative would let Vetëvendosje keep control of crucial policies, it would produce an unsteady governing environment in which passing bills is a daily battle. Opposition parties might withdraw support at any time, starting another cycle of elections and probably short-lived government.
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