The year 1979 was pivotal in the region's history, marked by the the Grand Mosque seizure in Saudi Arabia led by Juhayman al Otaibi, the triumph of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and the onset of the Iran-Iraq War, which lasted eight years.
Al Otaibi's religious ideology was influenced by Muhammad Nasser Al Din Al Albani. His controversial views, particularly among students of the Islamic University in Medina, led to his expulsion from the Kingdom. His followers adopted various jurisprudential opinions, including praying with shoes on and rejecting the phrase “Prayer is better than sleep” during the second call to prayer. They also superficially interpreted signs of the Hour and considered Muhammad bin Abdullah Al Qahtani as Mahdi who would bring about Judgement Day,
Some researchers see them as an extension of the Buraydah Brotherhood. During King Abdulaziz Al Saud’s reign, when Islamic groups with modernising tendencies like the Muslim Brotherhood became prominent, a marriage of Salafist and reformist movements occurred, leading to the emergence of the Sahwa (awakening), Surur, and Qutb movements.
Juhayman advocated the idea of (enjoining good and forbidding evil), operating under the banner of Ihtisaba rather than the state. He founded the Muhtisaba Salafist Group, supported by Abdulaziz Ibn Baz, eventually leading the state to absorb the institution of enjoining good and forbidding evil, which clashed with modernisation efforts.
Ayatollah Khomeini advanced the theory of Naini to address the political vacuum left by the Shiite theory post-Great Occultation, forming a theocratic Islamic government as an alternative to liberal and leftist ideologies.
Researchers link the Islamic awakening to 1979, with the Iranian revolution injecting an Islamic fervour initially used by Gulf policies to counter leftist tendencies. Modernisation efforts were minimal, focusing on material aspects without expanding legal and political demands, leading to the containment of religious movements under official control.
During this period, Gulf political trends faced three challenges: eliminating the extremist ideology of Al Otaibi, confronting the Soviet Union's communism and fearing the spread of the Iranian revolution's ideology. The Brotherhood, known for their strong rhetoric and openness to other movements, were seen as suitable allies to counter Iran's revolution and manage sectarian divisions.
In this environment, Salafism blended with the Brotherhood, leading to the emergence of Sahwa also known as Sururism or Qutbism. Many Islamic writers, however, reject linking the awakening to these events.
Hashim Abdul Razzaq Al Ta’i argues that the awakening and reform movements are reactions to colonialism, while Al Qaradawi views it as an extension of historical Islamic movements and thinkers, including the ideology of Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab, Muhammad bin Ali al Senussi, Muhammad bin Ahmed al Mahdi, Jamal al Din al Afghani, Abdul-Rahman al Kawakibi, Muhammad Abduh, Muhammad Rashid Reda, Saeed al Nursi, Hassan al Banna, Abu al Ala al Mawdudi, Abdul Hamid ibn Badis, Mustafa al Sibai, and Sayyid Qutb.
Religious discourse during this time was used to oppose other trends, particularly leftists, and extended to sectarian minorities such as Ibadiya and Zaidiya, and even non-religious groups. There was also a rise in Orthodox Christian awakening in Egypt under Pope Shenouda III.
From the mid-eighties to the early 2000s, the state of awakening was not a merely Shiite or Sunni, but a broadly Islamic state, integrating ideas from Ibadi and Zaidi sects, each with significant political influence. Abdul Halim Mahmoud noted that the Kharijites' views on imamate align with modern trends, advocating for free elections contrary to Sunni and Shiite Akhbari tendencies that either supported the ruler or withdrawal after the Great Occultation.
Exposure to Western theories of state and governance, and the fall of the caliphate, led to diverse political experiences and a blockage in historical and heritage continuity, fostering dynamic Islamic tendencies that clashed with the modern state system.
This period requires a deconstructive and critical reassessment, avoiding violence that perpetuates further violence, as seen during Gamal Abdel Nasser’s era. Recent decades have seen many critical analyses, but today, a political and secure system that allows broad freedoms and financial support for research and critical interaction is needed, free from self-interested religious, sectarian, or political goals.
Translated by Badr al Dhafari
The original version of the article appeared in Arabic in Oman newspaper’s print version on July 2.
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