From ancient maritime links to modern economic partnerships

Long before Zheng He’s fleets reached Oman, an Omani merchant had already sailed towards China. Oman’s Foreign Ministry traces this relationship to Abu Ubaydah Abdullah bin Al Qasim, who reached China around 750 AD.
Centuries before today’s investment corridors, our ancestors understood the value of approaching distant civilisations with curiosity, confidence and something to offer.
That history gives His Majesty Sultan Haitham bin Tarik’s visits to China and Brunei particular significance. These almost twenty-five visits since His Majesty’s ascension to the throne represent an opportunity to connect Oman’s maritime instincts with an international economy undergoing profound change.
The winds are shifting and we must read them carefully. Constructive cooperation with Western partners remains valuable. Yet, in important areas, access is becoming more troubling, complicated, politically conditional and expensive.
For countries seeking investment, technology and fair commercial opportunities, these developments strengthen the case for diversifying partnerships.
Consider Europe. Its Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism entered its definitive phase in January 2026, covering selected imports of iron and steel, aluminium, cement, fertilisers, electricity and hydrogen.
The mechanism introduces emissions reporting and carbon costs into access to a major market. Europe presents this as climate policy and equal treatment for domestic and overseas producers. For exporters, it also creates additional administrative and commercial hurdles.
Europe’s trade defences are substantial. Its countervailing duties on Chinese electric vehicles reach 35.3 per cent, depending on the producer. Brussels attributes these measures to unfair subsidies.
Whatever the justification, they demonstrate how industrial competition increasingly translates into barriers at the border. Climate responsibility matters. So does asking whether the international trading system gives emerging producers a realistic path to participate.
Across the Atlantic, electoral rhetoric has carried another troubling message. During the 2024 presidential debate, Donald Trump used 'Palestinian' disparagingly when attacking Joe Biden, drawing condemnation from human rights advocates. An Arab identity should never become a political insult.
Policy has reinforced concerns about exclusion. The December 2025 US proclamation maintained entry restrictions affecting Libya, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen, and extended full restrictions to Syria and people travelling on Palestinian Authority documents, subject to exceptions. Washington cites security and vetting grounds; Oman is not among those listed. Nevertheless, nationality-based restrictions impose real barriers on people from several Arab and Muslim-majority societies.
These developments make predictable, respectful cooperation more difficult. They give Oman additional reasons to broaden its options.
China offers considerable possibilities, in addition to Oman being its 5th-largest exporter of energy. It ranks tenth in the World Intellectual Property Organization’s 2026 Global Innovation Index, while Shenzhen-Hong Kong-Guangzhou leads its innovation cluster ranking.
China’s relevance extends from manufacturing capacity to the connections between research, entrepreneurship, finance and commercial deployment.
Our relationship already has economic depth. Bilateral trade reached $36.73 billion in 2024, according to China’s Foreign Ministry, with crude oil dominating Chinese purchases from Oman. The next opportunity is to expand the knowledge, services and industrial capabilities flowing through that relationship.
Putting into action the planned almost thirty agreements on energy, technology, AI, industry, education, culture and other areas gives an opportunity to see this relationship reach new heights.
Their developmental significance should be judged by what they enable. In energy, stronger cooperation could connect investment with equipment manufacturing, storage, engineering and local suppliers.
Technology partnerships could support joint research, Arabic AI applications and solutions for ports, water management and industrial productivity.
Oman should negotiate for capabilities that remain: Trained engineers, competitive enterprises, intellectual property and access to customers. An AI and advanced technologies zone could help connect these elements, provided its success is measured through deployed solutions and growing businesses.
Brunei deserves equal attention within this eastern outlook. Oman Investment Authority’s reporting identifies an existing Oman-Brunei investment partnership established in 2009 with an investment size of $200 million. This provides a foundation for exploring further commercially sound cooperation.
The two countries’ joint committee has also discussed education, tourism and exchanges of products. Such connections can bring the benefits of diplomacy closer to students, entrepreneurs and communities.
The responsibility now rests with implementation. Every agreement needs an accountable owner, realistic milestones and a route for Omani businesses to participate.
Ministries, investors, universities and entrepreneurs must work as one team.
Our ancestors understood that an open horizon was an invitation to prepare and sail.
Today, Oman can turn that same instinct into stronger industries, wider partnerships and greater economic independence. The winds have changed. We have sailed these waters before.